The first phase of Myanmar’s three-stage elections began on December 28 amid reports of violence, air strikes and widespread scepticism, even as the military junta sought to project the exercise as a step towards democratic normalcy. Voting was held in 102 townships on the opening day, with the remaining phases scheduled for January 11 and January 25. Overall, elections are planned in 274 of Myanmar’s 330 townships, while more than 60 have been declared “disturbed” and excluded due to ongoing conflict.
Polling on the first day took place in 102 townships amid reports of violence, air strikes and attacks on election-related infrastructure by resistance forces, including the People’s Defence Forces (PDFs). In response, the military launched counter-offensives, relying heavily on air power. Despite the conflict, junta officials claimed visible voter participation, with the highest turnout reported in Naypyidaw at around 40 percent, while participation in major population centres such as Yangon, Mandalay and Ayeyarwady appeared uneven based on local accounts.
Independent verification of turnout figures remains difficult amid ongoing conflict, restricted access, and the absence of neutral election observers.
This is the first election organised by the military since it seized power in a coup on February 1, 2021. The exercise has been rejected by Myanmar’s resistance movement, the National Unity Government (NUG), and several international actors, including United Nations agencies, which argue that an election held under repression and armed conflict cannot be free or legitimate.
The junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) has deployed electronic voting machines across polling stations in participating townships. In the run-up to the polls, several political parties were deregistered, while nearly 40 parties—including the National League for Democracy (NLD)—did not re-register. The NLD, which won a landslide victory in the 2020 elections under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, has been barred from contesting, a move widely seen as politically motivated.
Only six parties have been allowed to contest nationwide, fielding a total of 4,963 candidates. These include the military-aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), National Unity Party, People’s Pioneer Party, Myanmar Farmers Development Party, Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party, and the People’s Party. At the regional level, 57 parties are contesting. The USDP alone has fielded around 1,018 candidates. Election results are expected by the end of January.
Polling stations opened at 6:00 a.m. and closed at 4:00 p.m. Officials described the voting process as orderly, though many voters said they participated because “there was no other choice.” Some voters reported no direct pressure at polling stations, while others questioned the democratic value of the exercise. A young voter in Mandalay who identified herself as Khin said voting was important as “some solution is needed,” but expressed doubts that the tightly controlled process could deliver genuine democracy.
Across the country, turnout varied. In Kyaikmaraw Township in Mon State, 28 polling stations were opened, with approximately 54,800 eligible voters registered. Election officials and staff assisted voters throughout the day. In Yangon’s Mayangone Township, voters cast ballots at Polling Stations No. 19, 20 and 22 in Ward 2 for the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives), Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house or House of Nationalities), Regional Hluttaw, and the Rakhine and Shan Ethnic Affairs Hluttaws.
In Magway Region, voters from nine townships participating in the first phase of the election began casting ballots from the morning of December 28. Union Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation U Khin Maung Yi cast his vote at Polling Station No. 3 in Ward No. 1 of Minbu town.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, acting president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, voted at Polling Station No. 1 in Anawrahta Ward, Zeyathiri Township, Naypyidaw, at around 8:00 a.m. He was accompanied by senior military officials and their family members, including Chief of Military Affairs General Yar Pyae, Joint Chief of Staff General Kyaw Swa Lin, and Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, head of the National Defence and Security Council’s Information Team. All eight townships in Naypyidaw are participating in the first phase.
Dismissing criticism, Min Aung Hlaing described the election as successful and insisted it would be free and fair. Quoted by the BBC, he said he could not simply declare himself president. He was also quoted as saying, “I am the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, a civil servant. I can’t just say that I want to be president.”
Local media reports also quoted the military leader as claiming that a constitutional process would follow once parliament is convened, though he did not rule out assuming a post-election role. Min Aung Hlaing has framed the three-phase election as evidence of a democratic transition.
The broader context remains bleak. Since 2021, at least 7,500 people have been killed and around 3.6 million displaced. Military operations have included air strikes on civilian areas, hospitals and schools. More than 22,000 political prisoners remain in detention, while many pro-democracy leaders have fled abroad.
Activists based in Thailand allege that voters were coerced through threats and intimidation, with expectations that votes would favour the USDP. International criticism has been sharp. UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews took to his social media platform X to urge the global community to reject what he called the junta’s “theatre of the absurd,” warning that “nothing legitimate can emerge from this farcical, illegitimate exercise.”
ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights echoed these concerns, urging regional leaders to reject the polls and warning that escalating violence and humanitarian deterioration threaten Myanmar and the wider region. Neighbouring countries, including India, have also expressed concern, particularly over border instability and refugee flows, given strategic interests such as the Kaladan riverine project.
Observers believe the elections will not result in genuine civilian rule. Under the 2008 Constitution, the military retains 25 percent of parliamentary seats and control over key ministries, limiting the authority of any elected government.
Local media reported that 139 representatives from diplomatic organisations were observing the polls, including delegations from Russia, China, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Nicaragua, and the Myanmar-Japan Association. However, pro-democracy voices remain unconvinced. Soe Myint, editor of Mizzima News, said the election appeared to be an attempt to evade accountability for atrocities committed since the coup, noting that at least 92 massacres involving ten or more deaths have occurred over the past four years.
The shadow of the 2020 elections continues to loom. That vote covered more than 95 percent of constituencies, with the NLD winning over 82 percent of seats. The military rejected the results claiming that the elections was fraudulent, detained elected leaders, confiscated party property and imposed long prison sentences, including 33 years for Aung San Suu Kyi and 12 years for President Win Myint. Against this backdrop, critics argue the current exercise—marked by violence, exclusion and public distrust—offers little hope of steering Myanmar towards peace or democracy.
With additional inputs from Bidhayak Das, Zaw Hlaing, Ye and Nava Thakuria
