Rangfraism: Evoking Indigenous identity as a resultant of Christian Proselytization

A small room dedicated to the Rangfraa God, an altar that holds the cross-legged idol revered by the indigenous community of the Tangsas, can be seen as one enters the house of Mr Khimun, General Secretary of the Rangfraa Faith Promotion Society. Placed next to the idol are the Holy book, The Third Coming of Rangfraa, five lit clay lamps, incense, and a bottle of holy water; an unusual sight for a traditional indigenous faith.

Many in the region claim that Rangfraism is merely an offshoot of Hindu Sanatana Dharam, which is usually conveniently accepted as a synonym for tribal ways of worship. Outsiders have often (mis)represented the Rangfraa idol as a mongoloid Lord Shiva. However, the Rangfraites have persevered in tracing its origin and continuity to their traditional faith, refuting claims of Hinduisation while simultaneously striving to leverage the state’s political patronage to dictate their own terms of survival.

Rangfraism came to prominence in the 1990s when a group of educated Tangsa elites sought to revive and reinstate their traditional faith by institutionalising it with new “systems of worship”. Rangfraism is followed primarily by the Tangsa tribe of Arunachal Pradesh, settled in the southeastern hills of Changlang district along the Indo-Myanmar border and Namchik basin. “Tangsa” serves as an umbrella term for about 35 trans-Patkai ethnic groups in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam who trace their historical migrations from present-day Myanmar. They were earlier referred to as “Any Naga tribe” in the Scheduled Tribes’ List. However, in 2013, an amendment to the Constitution (Scheduled Tribe) Order, 1950 was introduced to delete the words “Any Naga Tribe” and replace them with the specific tribal identities such as Nocte, Tangsa, Tutsa, and Wancho, in order to partly dissociate these groups from their Naga counterparts and the insurgency involved across the state border. In 2021, the amendment was formally passed by the Rajya Sabha.

Despite the official demarcation, Naga influence has remained pervasive in their social, economic, political, and religious lives. One major impact was seen in the form of proselytisation in the region, and by the mid-twentieth century, extensive Christian conversions had already taken place. For many Tangsas, this meant giving up their old cultural and traditional practices, which were seen as signs of ignorance and backwardness. To overturn this perception, Rangfraism deliberately adopted elements of major world religions to make the traditional faith appealing and accessible to its followers.

Experienced Marginality by the Tangsas

Stuart Hall, a cultural theorist, writes, “Representation is a complex business and, especially when dealing with ‘difference’, it engages feelings, attitudes, and emotions that mobilize fear and anxieties in the viewer, at deeper levels than we can explain; in a simple, common-sense way.” For the Tangsas, rapid Christian conversions and negative disposition towards their traditional practices created heightened cultural insecurity and precarity. This warranted reinventing their traditional faith as present-day Rangfraism. I use the term “reinvention” carefully here, as many traditional facets of their religion were consciously removed to appeal to the followers who were also constantly evolving with new ideas and perceptions of the world. Borrowing from Lévi-Strauss’s understanding of binary opposition, this legitimacy of self-identity is created by introducing contrast with the “Other”. Thus, Rangfraism embarked on the path to self-determination by deliberately contrasting and juxtaposing itself with Christianity. As an institutionalised indigenous religion, it was promulgated as a natural, traditional, and ethnic entity that encompassed an indigenous identity, whereas Christianity was chronicled as a foreign element, an antithesis to their indigeneity.

Coming of Christianity in Arunachal Pradesh

Christianity is said to have set foot in Arunachal Pradesh after colonial expansion following the Yandaboo Treaty in 1826, when Assam came under British control. The Christian population in Arunachal Pradesh grew steadily over the decades, rising from less than 1% in the 1971 census to over 30% by 2011. In several districts of Arunachal Pradesh, the average Christian population exceeds the state average. From there, it spread to Arunachal and was readily accepted by locals, as it opened avenues for better education and improved socio-economic life. The desire to be modern was a substrate for conversions. However, most importantly, accepting Christianity freed them from the expensive rituals and sacrifices that the indigenous faith demanded.

Table 1: Percentage of Christians in Arunachal Pradesh (Census Data: 1971-2011)

Table 2: Religious population distribution among the Tangsas (1991-2011)

*Other Religion and Persuasion
Source: Centre for Policy Studies: Religion Data of Census 2011
Note: The biggest church in Arunachal Pradesh is in the Neotan village in Namphai, near Miao, Changlang.

Spread of Christianity among the Tangsas

About 36,000 Tangsas living in Northeast India are often considered the largest Naga sub-tribe. The Tangsas have been ostensibly related to the Nagas, but they are divided over whether they are Nagas. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has consistently threatened the Tangsas and relegated them to being a part of the Naga group that believes in “Greater Nagaland” and “Nagaland for Christ.” Rangfraim, therefore, is also a political refusal to be subsumed into the broader Naga national identity.

Among the Tangsas, intensive proselytisation began in the 1970s when American and British soldiers stationed in the area left behind pocket Bibles during World War II. The construction of new roads further facilitated missionary activities from the neighbouring state of Nagaland. Consequently, it also spread through constant contact between the Tangshang Naga of Myanmar and the Tangsas of India, who were mostly converted. By 2011, more than 21,000 Tangsas had converted to Christianity, accounting for 59% of their total population, while followers of traditional religion fell to only about 0.17%. Over two decades, the conversion has been the most rapid. In certain sub-tribes, such as the Mossang Tangsas, Christians make up 93% compared to the district’s average of 59%, and of the 2,994 Yobin counted in 2011, 2,965 were Christians. Following the initial years of Baptist missionary activity, later Tangsa converts resulted from locals who convinced people to adopt Christianity, and Baptist Tangsas were more likely to call themselves Nagas. However, this demographic change was not completely voluntary. In the border villages of Changlang, conversions were often connected with armed regional conflict. Locals in town asserted that factions of the NSCN asserted dominance, viewing church affiliation as political loyalty. A local BJP member from the neighbouring Tusta community remarked, “In Changlang, there were many conversions at gunpoint by the NSCN groups in the villages. Villagers following their traditional faith were coerced into conversion under a strict deadline. Once converted, they were threatened with violence or death if they reconverted to their traditional faith. A large number of villages were affected in the same way. I am a Tutsa and many villages in the Tutsa areas have undergone such conversion threats. A significant number of Tangsa villages have also been affected by it.”

This political assertion, along with cultural alienation, created antagonism toward Christianity, and Tangsas increasingly began to see Christianity as an external force introducing ideas of separatism into their villages, as converts no longer practised their traditional rites and rituals. As one Rangfraa Mandir Secretary put it, “Christians are a nuisance here. During festivals, they drink and influence our children (Rangfraites) to do the same. They disrupt the neighbourhood with loud music all night, and this has been happening every year.”

The Reformation Answer

As Christianity made deep inroads into the Tangsa community, a counter-revivalist movement emerged among the Tangsas. At the same time, parallel religious movements had been taking place across Arunachal. In the wake of these conversions, questions about the significance of protecting and preserving indigenous religious beliefs and practices emerged, and new reformist movements generated taxonomies such as Donyi-Poloism among the Tani groups and Intayaism among the Mishmis. As the movement proceeded, formal religious governing bodies such as the “DonyiPolo Yelam Kebang” were constituted. These movements sought to formalise traditional religious faith to reflect a more modern mainstream religion in order to preserve their cultural heritage and withstand outside proselytisation. Therefore, Rangfraism, like other reformist movements, served as a measure to recognise and represent their traditional cultural heritage amid the region’s changing socio-economic and political landscape.

Furthermore, Rangfraism leaders offer their own explanation for the religion’s emergence. It is believed to have been created by the “will” of the Almighty Rangfraa, who sought a social reform movement in “His” name. This led to the inception of the Rangfraa Faith Promotion Society (RFPS) in 1995. The RFPS publicly states that its objective is to promote, preserve and protect its traditional culture; however, it also seeks to curb conversions as an underlying mission. Notably, in this endeavour, their holy book “The Great Third Coming of the Rangfraa offers a ritual process for Tangsa Christian who want to re-convert to the indigenous fold.

RFPS leaders trace the movement’s birth to a divine intervention where Mr Khimun, the General Secretary of RFPS, described a dream revelation in which Rangfraa’s will for social awakening was revealed. Khimun is an Executive Engineer in the State Department of Power. Bearing considerable administrative respect and spiritual reverence, he is referred to as “Bada Beta” (elder son) by the devotees owing to the belief that he possesses supernatural ability to speak with their God directly. His encounters and interventions are often narrated during congregations and important events. Often, illusions are presented as miracles, in which pieces of ginger appear inside the holy book and are given to devotees as offerings. Other times, the healer supposedly extracts impurities from the body by repeatedly chanting in the name of Rangfraa and reaching into her mouth to extract a solid, tar-like lump. As a result, many devotees intrigued by the observation joined the congregation. The devotees attested that healing miracles have always been part of their traditional indigenous faith, and Rangfraism, with its healing, brings them closer to their God. Some preceptors (name given to the person who conducts the congregations), however, acknowledge the fragility of this model. One remarked, “Once the miracles stop, we are not sure what will be left of Rangfraismand if it will even survive.” However, Mr. Khimun believes that miracles are merely subsidiary to the philosophy behind Rangfraism, and the idea of self-sacrifice for society and their appreciation for their culture will, in future, transcend the fascination with miracles and superstitious beliefs.

Recasting the past

Rangfraism was institutionalised following their traditional ideologies that corresponded with the motive of protecting and preserving their culture and tradition. The new religion had to be bolstered with elements of the older religion, while keeping them intact. According to the leaders, they did this by adhering to the three primary forms of Rangfraism: religious, cultural, and social.

The religious dimension encompassed invocations to Rangfraa. Traditionally, prayers were offered before hunting expeditions and inter-village conflicts, but recently the focus has shifted toward agriculture and day-to-day activities such as employment, baby naming, building a house, etc. The image of their new God was borrowed from Tangsa folklore, where Tonku-wa, a Noah-like figure, came disguised as a dirty old beggar and destroyed the world, flooding it because it was too full of evil. The noun-pair Rang-Fraa embodies the twin attributes. Rang represents power manifested through healing and miracles, whereas Fraa embodies knowledge and wisdom. Kayechus and Rang Samaals constitute the powers of Rang. They channel visions and perform miracles. The Fraa is represented by Mingkayechus; the position is managed by the Mandir Secretaries (preceptors) and the General Secretary, Mr Khimun, who inform people of the religion’s philosophy.

Recognizing the diversity of the sub-tribes, cultural variations are retained. While prayers are addressed universally to Rangfraa, individual tribes and clans retain and follow their customary funerary rites and post-harvest invocations to the benevolent spirits such as Wihau (Mother Earth). Although sacrifices are no longer mandatory, they have not been wholly abandoned or abolished, and one is free to offer sacrifices to Wihau for better yield. Mr Khimun explains that the rituals prescribed in the holy book are meant to complement distinct clan traditions, not erase them.

Finally, the movement eliminated “superstitious” practices such as killing of twins, and abandoning rice fields when struck by lightning. The need to continue discarding obsolete social practices is repeatedly reminded during congregations and important events. On such days, testimonies by the devotees and the preceptor reflect its necessity.

Remarkably, traditional shamanism was transformed as well. Earlier, sacrifices, propitiations, and incantations were offered to appease the many spirits the Tangsas believed in. To carry out propitiation, an expert, usually a priest or diviner (Tingwa), was sought. They were men or women with religious knowledge who could determine the success or failure of an expedition or event by observing signs in a chicken liver or by breaking an egg. Some diviners who foresaw the future and had visions could also determine the cause and remedy of any forthcoming sickness. Today, these roles are performed by Rang Samaals, who are mostly young women who have visions, enter trances, and perform healing during services. Their positions have been borrowed from the past held by then priests and diviners. A senior member of the Rangfraa Mandir said, “The institutionalized religion is a refined version of the older faith because all essential religious and ritual aspects were taken and assimilated into it. Earlier we had priests, whom we called Tingwa; now Rang Samaals have taken their place. So, miracles and healing are not completely new.” The Mandir Secretary, Hangtim Tangha, also remarked, “My father in the past was also a priest, and now I am following a similar path. Not much has changed regarding the practice of healing that the priests and diviners performed; the only difference is that earlier, more men were priests, but these days, the same is performed by women.”

Survival on their own terms

Sentiments of historical marginalization continue to have a significant impact on how the community perceives themselves. They believe that the new institutionalized religion has allowed them to look beyond past imagery of backwardness while preserving their traditional faith. To them, the institutionalized religion seems more promising with its growing prominence at the state level and having been recognized internationally as well at an indigenous cultural event the General Secretary attended.

Each November, Rangfraa Day is celebrated to commemorate the existence of Rangfraa, with funds sanctioned by the state and the central government. On this day, men and women dressed in traditional attire perform folk songs and communal dances. These help them identify with their roots, as identities are, in themselves, creations of “imagined communities” tied together by the idea of self-determination and self-expression. The traditional culture which they believe to be slowly diminishing under the guise of Christian conversions has been substituted for rituals and practices that dwell in the current socio-political space of performances. These performances, having changed their symbolism and structure, devoid of their original meanings, have become highly significant for them. What might appear from the outside as mere performances is, to them, a necessary act of collective solidarity. In the end, culture and identity are whatever these communities want them to be. By stepping onto the public stage, this strategic appropriation of their tradition allows them to reproduce an imagery of themselves for both internal consolidation and external recognition and in this way, the identity they create in turn creates them.

In recent years, these indigenous faith celebrations have grown bigger and bolder. These assertions are no longer viewed as anti-modern and ignorant anymore. Local MLAs (Members of the Legislative Assembly) actively patronize the festivals, and the Tangsa elites, for one, curated an ingenious way to gain support for protecting and preserving their culture. As the celebrations are getting bolder, membership is expanding and reconversion, although difficult to ascertain precisely, has become a persistent feature of community life.

Conclusion

As Claire Scheid pointed out in the context of the Donyipolo revivalist movement in Arunachal Pradesh, “Indigenous is not the same as unchanging, and it can mean very different things in different contexts,” urging others to expand their understanding of indigenous religion. Therefore, indigeneity is not frozen in time; it changes and adapts to socio-political realities of survival. These community identities form the basis of bargaining power that groups use to create a space of their own in society, and the survivability of culture reinforces the need to revive reminiscent ideas from the past in consonance with present needs. In a democratic society where state recognition and constitutional protection govern who gets what and how much, marginalised communities must actively assert and reproduce their identity to sustain their survival and retain their social agency. Because these identities are so often tied to religion and culture, they must perform them.

When religious traditions undergo deliberate reformation, it is rarely a departure from their past. It is an ongoing, active negotiation by the community to safeguard what it can carry forward from the past. When the community’s older traditions break down or are reshaped by society’s current needs, their sense of identity is also challenged. One needs to understand that when ancient customs become untenable under modern pressures, rationalising those traditions becomes indispensable. Through Rangfraism, the Tangsas have shown that cultural preservation means actively seeking contemporary identities rooted in tradition and reclaiming the terms of their continuity.